Friday, October 28, 2011

The Hindu : Opinion / Interview : The richness of the Ramayana, the poverty of a University

The richness of the Ramayana, the poverty of a University


‘What people don’t recognise is that the story of Ram, what we call the Ram Katha, extends over a huge historical period.’ Photo: Valmiki Ramayana, illustrated with Indian miniatures from the 16th to the 19th century, edited and published by Diana De Selliers
‘What people don’t recognise is that the story of Ram, what we call the Ram Katha, extends over a huge historical period.’ Photo: Valmiki Ramayana, illustrated with Indian miniatures from the 16th to the 19th century, edited and published by Diana De Selliers

‘Will they bash up universities in Jakarta and other places for teaching different versions of the Ramayana?' An interview with noted historian Romila Thapar.

The controversial decision earlier this month by the Academic Council of Delhi University to drop A.K. Ramanujan's celebrated essay on the Ramayana, Three Hundred Ramayanas: Five Examples and Three Thoughts on Translations from the B.A. History (Honours) course has evoked sharp protests from several historians and other scholars.

Coming three years after the Hindutva student body, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), vandalised DU's History department to protest against the teaching of this essay, the decision has been criticised as a surrender of academic freedom in the face of political pressure.

Romila Thapar, the foremost authority on early Indian history, spoke to Priscilla Jebaraj about the decision, its adverse consequences for scholarship and knowledge, and the efforts by vested interests to project one version of Hindu cultural heritage and religious tradition over all others.

You have said that this issue is not purely about history and academia simply because it involves the Delhi University's History Department and Academic Council, but that there's a political background to it.

I think there's a political background to it because the initial attack against this essay [in 2008] was led by the ABVP which made sure that TV cameras had begun to roll when they carried out the attack, so that it would be properly recorded.

Their demand was that this hurt the sentiments of the Hindu community and therefore it should be withdrawn. This is hardly an academic demand. And quite clearly, the way in which the activity was organised, it was an act of political opposition to the History department and to this particular essay.

The University initially took an academic position and appointed a committee of four historians to assess whether this essay should be withdrawn. Three experts categorically said that under no circumstances should it be withdrawn. One of them, interestingly, did not say that it hurt the sentiments of the Hindu community, but said that it was inappropriate for undergraduate teaching, that undergraduates would not follow the whole question of variants and nuances and so on. So the expert opinion again did not think it was necessary to withdraw the essay.

In spite of this expert opinion, and perhaps because the matter came up in court, it was taken to the Academic Council. And from what I can gather, there was no indication given that this issue would be discussed, and therefore people went there unprepared and suddenly had to decide on this one way or the other. And what this initial action and the reaction of the University raise are the question whether courses and syllabi can be changed by groups beating up faculty and vandalising departments. And I think this is a very fundamental question which academia has to face and answer and take a position on.

Ramanujan discusses several versions, including the Valmiki Ramayana and the Kamba Ramayana, both of which seem to have problematic elements for Hindu fanatics. Which version are they supporting?

Well, I think that probably none of them has even read the whole of the Valmiki Ramayana ... Half of them haven't even heard of the Kamba Ramayana.

What are they supporting? Their notion from hearsay of what the Valmiki Ramayana perhaps expresses. And you know, one is angered by the fact that there are people who don't take the trouble to read and to study and to understand what the issue is before they just stand up and start shouting and screaming and wanting the dismissal of it.

What people don't recognise is that the story of Ram, what we call the Ram Katha, extends over a huge historical period. There's a distance of almost a thousand years between the first composition of the Valmiki Ramayana and Kamban's. There are also gradually regional studies... So, inevitably there will be variants. The moment somebody sets out to write a new version of the story, however dependent that person is may be on a particular version, there will be additions as indeed there were even to the original Ramayana. And this is the inevitable structure of an epic.

When an epic captures public attention, bits and pieces are always added on and bits and pieces are subtracted. It's a growing kind of rolling stone, gathering and dropping as it goes along.

So given that that is the structure of an epic, is there a danger in establishing a particular version in the minds of the mainstream as the definitive version? You once spoke of that danger regarding Doordarshan's Ramayana serial ...

Absolutely. You have to emphasise the fact that there were variants, or people tend to assume that there was only one version of the story or that that was the definitive version.

Now at the time when the Valmiki Ramayana was written, there were two other versions current, which were, in one case, entirely different, and in another case, very substantially different.

There were the Buddhist Jataka, the Dasarath Jataka as it is called, where Ram and Sita are brother and sister...and rule as consorts. Now this is very much within the Buddhist tradition of origin myths and is really making a statement about the superior status of Ram and Sita, which has been completely misinterpreted by the uneducated, who go around screaming and shouting at all of us who mention this version because it talks about Ram and Sita ruling as consorts.

The Jain variant, which Ramanujan also speaks of, is extremely interesting, because the author Vimalasuri, begins by saying that ‘The versions of the Ram Katha that you have heard so far are totally false and incorrect, written by foolish men. I will tell you the true story.' And he goes on to locate it in the court of the historical king Srinika...and says that it is nonsense to depict the rakshas as demons, that they were perfectly normal human beings. In other words, the version of Vimalasuri is trying to rationalise the fantasy of Valmiki and, therefore, it is fascinating to see the two versions together.

So how is it that the Valmiki Ramayana has become the mainstream of Hindu culture?

It comes partly out of the tradition of giving greater precedence to Sanskrit literature, because it was, in fact, the main cultural tradition over a long period, but it's also partly that this was reinforced by colonial scholarship mentioning these as definitive texts.

In the post-colonial era, as academia has been questioning that concept, has there been any similar move to change perceptions in the wider society?

No, there hasn't been and for this I blame particularly the visual media, because they have fostered the notion of there being definitive versions of every single major text in our cultural heritage and they have totally underplayed the fact that there have been variants.

But you see, it starts with academia. What is very disturbing in this whole story is that you have an Academic Council in one of the leading universities in this country, which debates the issue for over two hours and the vote is 90 against Ramanujan and 10 for. And one sits there and thinks, of the 90, how many actually took the trouble to read this essay when they were condemning it. [Many] people in the Academic Council had no idea of what the contents of this book were, except that they were going on hearsay once again.

Somebody gets up and condemns it, and then a group turns around and says, “Oh well, if that is the case, then, of course, we must condemn it.” So in a sense...what we lose out in this country is the habit of reading. We don't go back to reading texts. We either see them on television or we see them in Amar Chitra Katha.

...I don't know what the politics of the Vice-Chancellor of Delhi University may be or, for that matter, even the politics of the 90 members who voted to remove Ramanujan's essay.

But there is obviously a political element in this. There's a political element that a) says this is what my party doesn't object to, and would quite like my supporting it, or b) that this is really not my concern, it's a political issue, let the Academic Council take a decision, which is why I gather there were quite a few abstentions as well, or c) don't take a positive role in this because tomorrow, you may be in the dock and no one will support you.

Maybe, the Academic Council should be reminded that every scholar is required to question existing knowledge because that is the only way in which knowledge grows.

The single expert on the committee who said it would not be appropriate for undergraduate education felt that the teacher would not be able to sufficiently explain the background. So at what point do we draw the line on when it would be appropriate?

Well, that's precisely my point. If you go on saying that the teacher can't explain it, why have you appointed that teacher? And why have you trained that teacher to be somebody who cannot explain a simple thing like the variants of a text?

Was it an issue for the Academic Council at all or should it have been left to the History Department alone?

It should have been left to the History department, but I guess the Academic Council got cold feet because it had gone to court.

It's been pointed out that Ramanujan himself is not a historian, but poet and folklorist. When it was suggested that instead they replace his essay with yours and R.S. Sharma's, it was pointed out that both of you are historians and that there was a value to having an interdisciplinary view.

This is a really very creative essay. We've all written on this subject,...but what was nice about Ramanujan's essay was that you got a different perspective on this, and that is what is so valuable for the student. In a course like that, where you're dealing broadly with culture, you need to have a different perspective every now and again.

So as a broader issue, isn't the interdisciplinary approach a good thing? Getting perspectives from those outside the field of History?

There's nothing to stop a Physics professor from reading that essay and asking questions or coming to different conclusions. But in the same way as a History professor would not intervene in the Physics syllabus, one doesn't expect the Physics professor to intervene in the History syllabus...

The interesting thing about this whole argument about interdisciplinarity is that the social sciences are always attacked. But the sciences are never attacked because people are scared of making a fool of themselves by saying that this is not something worthy of teaching. So nobody questions the sciences. But with the social sciences, the world and his wife are there to comment, in some cases, without any kind of background knowledge of the subject. There's a feeling that you don't need to be an expert; this is all common sense.

For many Indians, this is not just ancient mythology for an academic discussion, but also their own current religious beliefs. Do you think there needs to be any kind of leeway given because of that?

You're quite right that it's not just mythology but also religion, and it was made that. Let me just go back a little bit into history and say that initially, many scholars believe the Ramayana and the Mahabharata were just epic stories about heroes, and that's the way they continued to be for quite a while. And then they were converted into sacred literature, by making Ram and Krishna avatars of Vishnu. And there's a superb analysis of this by V.S. Sukthankar in Pune, who talked about the Bhrgu Brahmins converting these epics into Bhagwat literature, that is, converting the heroes into incarnations of Vishnu. And then it becomes sacred literature. Now today, yes, it's considered sacred literature, but that is really not its roots.

Secondly, even if it is sacred literature, it is based substantially on mythology. I mean, this is very different from Buddhism and Jainism, where the stories … there are mythologies, very many mythologies, but at the same time, there is the hard core of the historical evidence of a historical founder, and what that founder is supposed to have taught. This is a different story altogether.

It's again different from Islam or Christianity where you have the people of the Book, who believe that the Book is the truth. Most Hindus don't believe that.

No, and one of the crises in the colonial period was when they set up the law courts and they said, according to European law, you swear an oath on the Bible. So they went running around asking which is the sacred book of the Hindus. And so you got the Bhagvad Gita, you got the Ramayana, you got the Vedas, you got all kinds of answers, because there isn't a single sacred book, there's a multiplicity of sacred books. And there again, the question of variation comes in. Who accepts which book as the primary sacred book?

Are we seeing, over the last few decades, a change similar to that described by Sukthankar, of a group of people deliberately trying to create these definitive versions of Hindu sacred literature?

Yes, in fact there's this move to make Hindu belief and worship very much based on the idea of the sacred texts.

Ramanujan also discusses some international variants...

South East Asia, for example, where the Ramayana is an absolutely fundamental text of culture, but it's their own versions, not the Valmiki Ramayana. It is a fundamental part of the story in many versions in South East Asia, that Sita is the daughter of Ravan and Ravan doesn't know this, because she was secreted away. So what do you do? I mean, are these people going to go bash up the universities in Jakarta and all those places because they're teaching these versions?

And this in a time when we want to spread, and globalise Indian culture.

I find it ironic that you have this incident taking place in Delhi the same week as the Minister of HRD is sitting in the United States trying to persuade the top universities to set up campuses in India. Ramanujan was one of the most respected faculty members of the University of Chicago and the Ministry of HRD would give its left hand to have the University of Chicago set up campus in India. Now if Ramanujan had been alive and the University had a campus in Delhi, and this had happened, as is perfectly feasible, what would have been the reaction? The whole thing is bizarre.

Sunday, October 09, 2011

The Hindu : Opinion / Lead : And the pay-to-print saga resumes

The Delhi High Court has handed both the political circuit and the media a ticking parcel with its judgment in the Ashok Chavan case. It shouldn't be long before we learn what's ticking. (What's not ticking is the media. Subdued quiet seems the norm.) The former Maharashtra Chief Minister had challenged the power of the Election Commission of India (ECI) to go into the truth or falsity of his 2009 poll expenses. Those proceedings in the ECI had gained infamy as the ‘paid news' case. A case which embarrassed major newspapers that had run scores of hagiographic full pages of ‘ news' on Mr. Chavan during his poll campaign. Pages without a single advertisement on them (The Hindu, November 30, 2009). And without so much as a mention of his rival in Bhokar constituency in Nanded.

Chief Justice Dipak Misra (since elevated to the Supreme Court) and Justice Sanjiv Khanna of the Delhi High Court dismissed Chavan's petition as being ‘devoid of merit.' In doing so, they upheld the jurisdiction of the ECI to probe the truth or falseness of poll accounts. This is crucial for the future (and for Mr. Chavan, right away). It should really worry the wealthy political elite who spend untold sums to win elections. No elected legislator or MP has ever been disqualified on grounds of excess expenditure. If such a precedent does emerge, the next elections could be riveting for entirely novel reasons. The more so with a galvanised ECI that won't roll over meekly in deference to power.

It's a double whammy. Not long before this judgment, the Central Information Commission (CIC) had ordered the Press Council of India (PCI) to unwrap its own ticking parcel. That is: the PCI's ‘paid news' report which it had suppressed under pressure from media bosses. After the ‘paid news' scandal surfaced, the Press Council under Justice G.N. Ray rightly set up a subcommittee to inquire into the racket. The committee comprising Paranjoy Guha Thakurta and Sreenivas Reddy produced an explosive 71-page report naming names, pointing fingers. Yet, it did this within all the norms and ethics that such an exercise demands.

The big guns of the media establishment struck back in a panic. The PCI buckled, burying its own report. It had a larger committee draft a 12-page version that dropped all references to the offenders. The final report reduced the original to a single footnote. It did not even include the real one as an annexure. Nor did it permit the authors to record a note of dissent. And the PCI never allowed the genuine report to be placed on its own website, though it paid lip service to the work of its authors. It stonewalled an RTI application from journalist Manu Moudgil seeking the full report. It was seeking legal opinion, it pleaded. Now the CIC, acting on Mr. Moudgil's complaint, has told the Press Council to put the full report up on its website by October 10.

Together, these two developments promise many blushes for Big Media. In the Delhi case, of course, Mr. Chavan could appeal to the Supreme Court on the matter. Unless that happens, the ECI can proceed with its probe and render a verdict. Others in Mr. Chavan's boat include former Jharkhand Chief Minister Madhu Koda. His accounts were in question, too. So we're not talking about just anyone, but two former chief ministers who won their elections. The platinum-tier political world has worries ahead. Money can't buy you everything, but it has bought a few elections.

Mr. Chavan's accounts are a delight. A kind of Gandhian manual on poll austerity. Read them and you know that Bhokar, Nanded is where you want to settle post-retirement. Things are so cheap. Mr. Chavan wrapped up his newspaper advertising within a frugal Rs.5,379. His entire poll campaign cost less than Rs.7 lakh. (The limit for an assembly constituency in Maharashtra that year was Rs.10 lakh). This included two public meetings where he brought down Bollywood megastar Salman Khan as the main attraction, drawing thousands of people. The first meeting cost a piffling Rs.4,440 and the second even less, only Rs.4,300. In both cases the main cost, more than a third of the total, was on the public address system. (But even Steve Jobs could not have got the audio done in Rs.1,500). The pandal top cost just Rs.200, hired sofas cost the same and Mr. Chavan spent no more than Rs.1,000 on setting up the stage. (See: The Hindu, November 10, 2010).

On December 2, 2009, Dr. Madhav Kinhalkar, Mr. Chavan's rival in the Bhokar poll, complained to the Election Commission. That is, two days after The Hindu's story on the amazing press coverage Mr. Chavan got during the polls. (“Is the Era of Ashok a new era for ‘ news'?” November 30, 2009). Dr. Kinhalkar's complaint focused on the latter's poll expenses and the huge number of full pages (many in colour) eulogising Mr. Chavan in large and powerful newspapers. Four dailies, asked by the ECI whether what had appeared on Mr. Chavan was news or paid-for, scorned all notions of paid news. It was all news, and balanced and fair at that, they said. The mere suggestion of payment was insulting. Their actions flowed from lofty journalistic values. Their letters to the ECI are clear and edifying.

Two Marathi papers pleaded proximity to the Congress. As the daily Pudhari argued in a five-page letter: “….every newspaper has its inclination towards a political party and Pudhari is no exception to that.” Yet, Pudhari is known not only for “its frank and candid views.” It is also known for “rising above political affiliation.” At election time, the daily stated, newspapers cover all events and give “due publicity.” The “only difference being the degree and extent of coverage depending on (the) Newspaper's political inclination as explained above.” Such publication “is at the behest of the readers on their demand to satisfy their curiosity.”

Lokmat candidly shared its aim in bringing out so many pages on Mr. Chavan. This was “to acquaint the people of Maharashtra about the achievements and developments of the Congress-led government in Maharashtra during its tenure under the present Chief Minister.” (Who had held that post for all of 11 months at the time). “The other factor that motivated us…is the alignment of our group's ideology with that of the Congress Party.” Mr. Chavan, for his part, contended that what had appeared in the press were “mere news items and are not advertisements.” The glowing articles on him were the outcome of the media's own assessments. He had neither control over, nor any role in that.

The Times Group (for Maharashtra Times) also trashed any notion of ‘paid news.' We are “a balanced and responsible corporate,” their letter asserted. “The said articles are neither sponsored nor paid articles.” They were “not published at the instance of any political party or advertising agency.” And “no monetary consideration” was involved. It was, then, just good old news all the way.

The shortest reply is a two-paragraph missive from the editor of Deshonnati. The key line: “the said publications were neither sponsored articles nor paid articles. It was a reflection of my individual perception.”

Their individual perceptions are at odds with the whole media scene portrayed in the suppressed PCI report. The Election Commission's own experience of poll coverage also seems to have been different. The Commission saw ‘ paid news' as a real threat and ordered creation of “district-level committees for scrutiny of paid news during election periods” after the 2009 polls. It even set up an Expenditure Monitoring Division within the ECI to deal with the challenge of abuse of money power (including ‘paid news') in elections. The Commission responded to complaints by Dr. Kinhalkar and others and wrestled with the complex issues thrown up by the paid news syndrome.

In April this year, Mr. Chavan went to the Delhi High Court, challenging the ECI's jurisdiction. The High Court judgment dismissing his petition has set the poll cat amongst the political pigeons. The CIC's order puts major sections of the media in a bind. Earlier, the ECI had to make do with the truncated 12-page report from the Press Council on paid news. Now it is entitled to receive the full 71-page version. And also, quite separately, to carry on from where it was interrupted in its proceedings. How does that phrase (perhaps wrongly attributed to the Chinese) go? “May you live in interesting times?” We sure will, fairly soon.


Tuesday, October 04, 2011

CleanScapes of Seattle merging with Recology - Puget Sound Business Journal

CleanScapes of Seattle merging with Recology - Puget Sound Business Journal

CleanScapes of Seattle merging with Recology

Date: Tuesday, October 4, 2011, 2:59pm PDT

Chris Martin, CEO of CleanScapes

Chris Martin, CEO of CleanScapes

Becky Monk
Assistant Managing Editor - Puget Sound Business Journal
Email

Seattle solid-waste management firm CleanScapes intends to merge with San Francisco-based Recology.

CleanScapes CEO Chris Martin told his staff of 280 employees Tuesday that his firm plans to merge with the employee-owned Recology if the deal is approved by the Federal Trade Commission.

The transaction, which is worth at least $66 million, would make CleanScapes a wholly owned subsidiary of Recology, but it would remain incorporated in Washington as CleanScapes, with the local management team fully intact.

The merger sets up CleanScapes to leverage the larger firm’s resources while continuing to expand its footprint and services even further, Martin said.

CleanScapes, which was Washington’s Fastest-Growing Private Company in 2010 according to Puget Sound Business Journal research, recorded revenue of nearly $47.3 million in 2010. Its big green trucks are currently hauling waste and recycling for Seattle, Shoreline, Des Moines, Portland and San Francisco. CleanScapes has just landed a contract as the city of Issaquah’s solid-waste disposal provider beginning in July of 2012 pending city council approval, and it plans to bid on several other municipal solid-waste contracts.

Recology is an employee-owned company headed by President and CEO Mike Sangiacomo. It is the parent company of Sunset Scavenger and Golden Gate Disposal. PSBJ sister publication San Francisco Business Times reported that the company reported revenue of $500 million in 2007, its last publicly reported figure.

Besides collecting garbage, Recology’s team of more than 2,700 employees also has large composting and recycling programs in Northern California, Oregon and Nevada.

“While we been growing in the collection department,” Martin said. “We don’t have the resources of Recology. We don’t have the compost or transfer facilities. This will allow us to leverage their expertise and stronger balance sheet.”

For its part, Recology gains a strong foothold in Western Washington. Recology managers were not immediately available for comment.

Martin declined to disclose the size of the transaction. But because the merger is subject to regulatory approval, the Hart-Scott-Rodino Act triggers a need for antitrust approval from the Federal Trade Commission when a transaction size exceeds the threshold of $66 million.

Martin said the companies plan to apply for approval later this week and expect the deal to close at the end of the year.

BECKY MONK is an assistant managing editor of the Puget Sound Business Journal. Phone: 206-876-5436 | Email: bmonk@bizjournals.com | Twitter: BeckyMonk Click here to sign up for the PSBJ Daily Update.

Little Ice Age Shrank Europeans, Sparked Wars

Little Ice Age Shrank Europeans, Sparked Wars

Brian Handwerk

for National Geographic News

Published October 3, 2011

Pockmarked with wars, inflation, famines and shrinking humans, the 1600s in Europe came to be called the General Crisis.

But whereas historians have blamed those tumultuous decades on growing pains between feudalism and capitalism, a new study points to another culprit: the coldest stretch of the climate change period known as the Little Ice Age.

(Also see "Sun Oddly Quiet—Hints at Next 'Little Ice Age'?")

The Little Ice Age curbed agricultural production and eventually led to the European crisis, according to the authors of the study—said to be the first to scientifically verify cause-and-effect between climate change and large-scale human crises.

Prior to the industrial revolution, all European countries were by and large agrarian, and as study co-author David Zhang pointed out, "In agricultural societies, the economy is controlled by climate," since it dictates growing conditions.

A team led by Zhang, of the University of Hong Kong, pored over data from Europe and other the Northern Hemisphere regions between A.D. 1500 to 1800.

The team compared climate data, such as temperatures, with other variables, including population sizes, growth rates, wars and other social disturbances, agricultural production figures and famines, grain prices, and wages.

The authors say some effects, such as food shortages and health problems, showed up almost immediately between 1560 and 1660—the Little Ice Age's harshest period—during which growing seasons shortened and cultivated land shrank.

As arable land contracted, so too did Europeans themselves, the study notes. Average height followed the temperature line, dipping nearly an inch (two centimeters) during the late 1500s, as malnourishment spread, and rising again only as temperatures climbed after 1650, the authors found.

(Related: "British Have Changed Little Since Ice Age, Gene Study Says.")

Others effects—such as famines, the Thirty Years' War (1618-48), or the 164 Manchu conquest of China—took decades to manifest. "Temperature is not a direct cause of war and social disturbance," Zhang said. "The direct cause of war and social disturbance is the grain price. That is why we say climate change is the ultimate cause."

The new study is both history lesson and warning, the researchers added.

As our climate changes due to global warming (see interactive), Zhang said, "developing countries will suffer more, because large populations in these countries [directly] rely on agricultural production."

More: "Climate Change Killed Neanderthals, Study Says" >>

The new climate change research was published online Monday by the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

Thursday, September 15, 2011

Us vs. Them: Good News From the Ancients! - The Chronicle Review - The Chronicle of Higher Education

"Us against them" seems a staple of human psychology as unsinkable as "That's mine!" for a 3-year-old or "I wish they'd quiet down" for a senior citizen surrounded by teenagers.

After the Tucson shootings this month, it took multiple American forms: Republican vs. Democrat, gun-control advocate vs. Second Amendment solutioner, normal person vs. nut case, blood-libel accuser vs. blood-libel defendant, our pundit vs. your pundit.

Looking through a recent New York Times, you couldn't help thinking that the notion merits a separate daily section to organize stories efficiently: North Korean vs. South Korean, North Ivorian vs. South Ivorian (those hard geographical divisions help), e-book reader vs. traditional book lover, New York Giant vs. Dallas Cowboy, boomer vs. Gen X'er, man vs. woman.

Are we just boringly binary? And why, as both Rodney King and distinguished science writer David Berreby asked, for different reasons, can't we all get along?

Back in 2005, Berreby tried to open our eyes on the subject with his noncontentiously titled Us and Them: Understanding Your Tribal Mind (Little, Brown and Co.). We can't help being tribal thinkers, Berreby explained, because organizing other humans into kinds is "an absolute requirement for being human." It is, he wrote, "the mind's guide for understanding anyone we do not know personally, for seeing our place in the human world, and for judging our actions." There is "apparently no people known to history or anthropology that lacks a distinction between 'us' and 'others,' " and particularly others who don't rise to our level.

Our categories for humans, Berreby elaborated, "serve so many different needs, there is no single recipe for making one." Categories for other people "can't be understood objectively." We fashion them in classic pragmatic style to suit our purposes in solving problems, particularly that of generalizing about people we know by only a feature or two. We make these categories—often out of strong emotional need. We don't discover them. American suburbanites need "soccer moms," Southern kids need "Nascar dads," Yemenites need neither.

Sometimes we lose control over our categories. Nineteenth-century linguists applied a Sanskrit word to a family of ancient languages, Berreby reminded us, but the Nazis turned "Aryan" into "a life-and-death human kind" different and better than German Jews. These days, we see the expansion of "red" and "blue" from shorthand tags for states in regard to voting patterns to fundamental categorizations of people. History and science also help us add to what Berreby called the "heap of canceled kinds"—the "phlegmatic" and "nervous" types that formed two separate 19th-century classes for doctors, the "Type-A personality" seen as a scientific category in the 1980s, the cagots of France and the paekchong of Korea, who have long since melted into their national groups, the "races" slowly being undermined by DNA analysis.

"The issue," Berreby observed, "is not what human kinds are in the world, but what they are in the mind—not how we tell Tamils and Seventh-day Adventists and fans of Manchester United from their fellow human beings, but why we want to."

True enough. The problem remains that this habit of hostility to the "Other" seems inescapable, even if it's not hard-wired into us. We've been talking like Tarzan since the ancient Greeks. Me Athenian, you barbarian. Me Roman, you Carthaginian loser. Me Greek, you dumb Egyptian animal worshiper. Me better, you worse.

Again, as with Berreby's study, a book can help us if not save us—a small tool to pry the fetishisms of "Us vs. Them" from our minds.

Thursday, August 11, 2011

All around..everything

Buddhist Art From Pakistan Is to Open



July 26, 2011

Long-Delayed Show of Buddhist Art From Pakistan Is to Open

A long-planned exhibition of nearly 70 pieces of Buddhist art from Pakistan will finally open at Asia Society on Aug. 9, after political intrigue in Pakistan and a breakdown in American-Pakistani relations delayed it for six months.
Anti-Americanism, which soared in the aftermath of the killing of Osama bin Laden, helped put the show in jeopardy, said Melissa Chiu, the director of Asia Society Museum. The death of a major advocate, Richard C. Holbrooke, the Obama administration’s senior diplomat for Pakistan and a former chairman of Asia Society, also complicated matters, she said, as did problems with getting American visas for the Pakistanis chosen to accompany the objects to New York.
Shows that depend on loans from abroad are often fraught with difficulties, with museum directors jealously guarding national treasures. Exacting negotiations that stretch to the 11th hour are commonplace. But never before has the society announced a show, chosen an opening night and then been forced to postpone it.
The obstacles became so intense that at times the exhibition, devoted to the splendors of the ancient Buddhist civilization of Gandhara that flourished in northern Pakistan 2,000 years ago, almost foundered. Ms. Chiu said her argument to Pakistani authorities — that showing the antiquities in New York could help counterbalance the image of Pakistan as the world’s most dangerous place — was a tough sell.
“I persisted because this is a unique opportunity for us to show the cultural heritage of Pakistan at a time when U.S.-Pakistan relations are probably at their lowest ever,” she said.
The exhibition was of particular importance, Ms. Chiu said, because Asia Society views its role as reaching beyond the display of art to encourage a broader understanding of Asian cultures. Moreover the sculpture, architectural reliefs and works of gold and bronze in the show, which were produced from the third century B.C. to the fifth century A.D., are poorly represented in American museums. The last exhibition devoted to Gandhara art in the United States was at Asia Society in 1960.
The first sign of trouble appeared in January, a little more than a month before the scheduled March opening, when it became clear that federal authorities in Pakistan’s capital, Islamabad, had not informed the museums in Lahore and Karachi, where the Buddhist objects were kept, of the plan to fly them to New York, Ms. Chiu said.
Officials at the Culture Ministry were reluctant to allow the Gandhara treasures out of the country, least of all to the United States. They were particularly opposed because there had been recent exhibitions of Gandhara art in Bonn, Zurich and Paris, she said, and they did not want the objects to be outside Pakistan for another extended period so soon.
An added complication arose when a new law handed the power to make decisions on art loans to foreign countries from the central ministry to the provinces where the museums were located.
On a hurried mission to Lahore, in Punjab Province, in January, Ms. Chiu knew she needed to persuade the chief minister of the province, Shahbaz Sharif, who is not an easy figure to see on short notice. Just weeks earlier her longtime local ally in organizing the show, the governor of Punjab, Salman Taseer, had been killed by an extremist bodyguard. And while she was there, a C.I.A. operative, Raymond A. Davis, shot two Pakistanis on a Lahore thoroughfare, stoking anti-American sentiment in the city and across Pakistan.
With some fast networking among the Lahore elite, Ms. Chiu found a new ally in a patron of the arts, Nusrat Jamil, who opened doors to Mr. Sharif. “The meeting was confirmed at 1:30 a.m., and I saw him at his house at 9 a.m.,” Ms. Chiu said.
Mr. Sharif was supportive but said the decision was up to the board of the Lahore Museum, Ms. Chiu said. She then arranged to lobby all 10 members. They voted in favor, a victory that ensured the arrival of the star piece of the show, an intricately carved stele called “Vision of a Buddha Paradise.”
On a second visit to Pakistan in April to firm up a late-spring opening, Ms. Chiu discovered that date would have to be postponed as well. The authorities in Karachi had yet to sign the papers to release 17 objects from the National Museum of Pakistan there. As she waited for Karachi to sign off, the killing of Bin Laden on May 2 escalated the anti-American feelings in Pakistan even further, and added to the nervousness at Asia Society about whether the show would ever come to pass.
Then trouble loomed on the home front. A State Department travel advisory warning American citizens against traveling to Pakistan meant that Asia Society could not send some of its staff members to accompany the works on the flights back to New York, a typical procedure for bringing art from abroad to the museum. (Ms. Chiu could travel to Pakistan because she has an Australian passport.) Visas for the Pakistanis flying with the art were held up at the American Embassy in Islamabad, a bottleneck that was resolved in the office of Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, Ms. Chiu said.
The packing and loading of the objects in Karachi was not simple, either. A chaotic city saddled with prolonged power shortages, Karachi had been in the midst of a spasm of ethnic killings when the German company hired by Asia Society to crate the objects began work early this month.
Members of the museum staff, too scared to use public transportation, had to be taken in hired cars from their homes to the museum to help wrap and load. A generator at the museum supplied power for lights for the packers, and the Germans used their own satellite phones to report their progress to Ms. Chiu in New York, she said.
The early August opening of the show was guaranteed only when two planes loaded with the precious cargo, one from Lahore, the other from Karachi, landed in New York last week. The chances that Americans can go to Pakistan to see Gandhara art — either in the museums or at open-air archaeological sites around Peshawarc, the northwest city where the civilization was centered — are very slim, Ms. Chiu said, making her feel all the luckier to have gotten the works here for the show’s three-month run.


Bothi

Tuesday, August 02, 2011

:: Deccan Chronicle ePaper ::

Karunanidhi has always been passionate about monarchies and mythologies despite living in a democracy and being a selfproclaimed rationalist. He often deludes himself in believing that he is a reincarnation of Rajaraja Chola. Mr Karunanidhi, known for revivalism, promoted rituals like the crowning of political leaders with laurels and sceptres.

The one thing he probably never wanted to revive from the past was sibling rivalry. And yet, that’s what has come to haunt him. There was no recorded sibling rivalry in India’s modern political history since the Mughals, not until Mr Alagiri and his younger brother came along. The rivalry between Mr Karunanidhi’s two sons, Union minister M.K. Alagiri and DMK treasurer M.K. Stalin, is now out in the open and threatening the DMK’s future.

According to psycho-medical research, sibling rivalry is particularly intense when children are very close in age and of the same gender, or where one child is intellectually gifted.

The Alagiri-Stalin case is no different. These is not a significant age gap between the two brothers, and, on the contentious question of which one can qualify as “intellectually gifted”, most will back Mr Stalin. He has acted in stage plays and television serials, has run the marathon and is a tolerable public speaker.

As for Mr Alagiri, even his diehard supporters won’t make any tall claims about his histrionic abilities, a must in Dravidian politics. Most of Mr Al

agiri’s histrionics are confined to the four walls of the family home. Every time he frets and fumes over the importance being given to Mr Stalin, it becomes a party issue next morning.

Unlike Mr Stalin, Mr Alagiri’s stint in the DMK is chequered.

Mr Stalin began his political career by joining the party’s student movement in the mid-Seventies, while Mr Alagiri, two years his senior, had no interest in politics. Mr Stalin acted in propaganda plays and gave a boost to the youth movement.

He was arrested along with several party seniors under the draconian Maintenance of Internal Security Act (Misa) during Emergency, and suffered brutal thrashing inside the prison.

During the 13 years, through the 1980s, when the DMK was kept out of power by Indira Gandhi and MGR, Mr Stalin remained politically active. But Mr Alagiri was still nowhere on the horizon.

He had been packed off to Singapore to run a business. He could not, and so he returned.

But keeping him in Chennai was a headache for Mr Karunanidhi — an active Stalin was already being eulogised by the party’s robust youth wing.

Mr Alagiri was exiled to Madurai, ostensibly to supervise party propaganda newspaper Murasoli. The edition closed down shortly, but Mr Alagiri was stuck with Madurai where he ran a videocassette rental business. Even then he managed to antagonise several party seniors, including party general secretary Anbhazhagan who had to officially issue a “warning” that Mr Alagiri was

not a member of the DMK and that any party member doing political business with him would attract punishment.

But Mr Alagiri’s political ambitions had been aroused and he became a power centre by building a force of musclemen.

In Chennai, his mother, Dayalu Ammaal, was his main supporter, trouble-shooting every time she found her son floundering.

Eventually, Mr Karunanidhi had to apportion power by creating a regional secretary’s post for the southern districts which went to Mr Alagiri.

Mr Alagiri delivered at the hustings but in this region the party became notorious for the goons he nurtured. Ingenious ways of distributing money to voters were devised by Mr Alagiri’s men. The Tirumangalam bypoll in Madurai, in fact, became synonymous with “buying votes” in the national electoral lexicon. Mr Alagiri effectively demonstrated to the country that politicians don’t just receive bribes but also offer them. And that for a corrupt polity to thrive, people also must be corrupted.

With the party’s northern base shaken by Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) and Vijaykanth, Mr Karunanidhi had to depend on Mr Alagiri to keep the south.

But Mr Stalin was demanding his pound of flesh and Mr Karunanidhi was forced to create a post of deputy chief minister for him. This sent a message to party cadres that Mr Stalin, and not Mr Alagiri, would be the successor. To avoid trouble, Mr Karunanidhi sent Mr Alagiri to Delhi with the lure of a Cabinet post. But Mr Alagiri, who is not comfortable talking in Hindi or English, unlike his sister Kanimozhi or nephew Dayanidhi Maran, created another dubious record — of being the most inarticulate minister Tamil Nadu had ever had at the Centre. During Question

Hour in Parliament, he would simply go missing.

But the respite Mr Karunanidhi has manoeuvred for Mr Stalin did not last. At the recent Coimbatore session of the party, Mr Stalin’s supporters made a bid to wrest power from Mr Karunanidhi, but Mr Alagiri’s team scuttled it. This was déjà vu. Once in every three years, Mr Stalin attempts to seize the throne, but is frustrated by his dear brother.

Mr Karunanidhi is the only politician in the country who encouraged factions within his family to secure his position as the party supremo. Non-family factions in the DMK were decimated even before the party came to power in 1967. Later, MGR and Vaiko, who were threats to Mr Karunanidhi, were expelled. Through the 1990s, Mr Karunanidhi did his best to groom various successors, all related to him by blood — Mr Stalin, Mr Alagiri, Ms Kanimozhi and the Marans. All non-family party leaders owe their allegiance to one faction of the family or other. Thus, during his lifetime Mr Karunanidhi managed to stay supreme with the support of all factions, and after him power will stay within his family.

But now that the party has fared badly at the hustings and is forced to lick its wounds for the next five years, the succession war has become simultaneously acute and pathetic. Pathetic because, the party is out of power and with family members embroiled in various corruption cases, it cannot afford internal bloodletting. And acute because, by the time of the next Assembly elections, Mr Karunanidhi would be 92 and the succession question would have to be settled. But, till then, Mr Karunanidhi will be sleeping with the sceptre by his bed.

GNANI SANKARAN is a Tamil writer, theatreperson and filmmaker

Monday, August 01, 2011

History of Parayars « Dalit News from Kerala

History of Parayas

Paraiyar, Parayar or Sambavar, also called as Adi-Dravida, are a social group found in the Indian states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala and in Sri Lanka (see Caste in Sri Lanka). In Tamilnadu though they have been enumerated under three different caste names, they have generally been referred to as Paraiyar. In Northern Districts of Tamilnadu they are known as Paraiyars only. In the southern districts of Tamilnadu they are known as Sambavar or Samban. However, they themselves prefer the name Adi Dravidar to Paraiyar and Sambavar.[1] The Indian census of 2001 reported the Paraiyan/Adi-Dravida population about 9 Million [2].

Adi-Dravida (the earliest Dravidians) is a modern name for the Paraiyars coined by the Government of Tamilnadu, it denotes only the Paraiyar Caste. Paraiyar/Adi-Dravida are the majority among the Scheduled Castes in Tamil Nadu. The scheduled castes are generally called ‘Adi-Dravidar’ by the Government of Tamilnadu. Paraiyan and Samban are synonymous with Adi Dravidar.[1] The term ‘Adi-Dravidar’ means Ancient Dravidians in Tamil Nadu.

Contents

[hide]

[edit] History

The Paraiyars enjoyed a privileged position in the society of the Sangam period. They were traditionally farmers and weavers. One sub-group of Paraiyars, "Valluvan", were renowned as magicians and Astrologers. They were employed as advisers to kings.

Mr. Clayton states that he knows of no legend or popular belief among the Paraiyans, indicating that they believe themselves to have come from any other part of the country than that where they now find themselves. There is, however, some evidence that the race has had a long past, and one in which they had independence, and possibly great importance in the peninsula[3].

Mr. Stuart mentions that the Valluvans were priests to the Pallava kings before the introduction of the Brahmans, and even for some time after it.[4]

He quotes an unpublished Vatteluttu inscription, believed to be of the ninth century, in which it is noted that "Sri Valluvam Puvanavan,the Uvacchan(or temple ministrant),will employ six men daily, and do the temple service." The inference is that the Valluvan was a man of recognised priestly rank, and of great influence. The prefix Sri is a notable honorific. By itself this inscription would prove little, but the whole legendary history of the greatest of all Tamil poets,Tiruvalluvar, "the holy Valluvan," confirms all that can be deduced from it. [5]

There are certain privileges possessed by Paraiyans, which they could never have gained for themselves from orthodox Hinduism. They seem to be survivals of a past, in which Paraiyans held a much higher position than they do now. It is noted by Mr. M. J. Walhouse that "in the great festival of Siva at Trivalur in Tanjore the headman of the Paraiyars is mounted on the elephant with the god, and carries his chauri (yak-tail fly fan). In Madras, at the annual festival of Egatta, the goddess of the Black, f now George, Town, when a tali is tied round the neck of the idol in the name of the entire community, a Paraiyan is chosen to represent the bridegroom.[6]

The facts, taken together, seem to show that the Paraiyan priests (Valluvans), and therefore the Paraiyans as a race, are very ancient, that ten centuries ago they were a respectable community, and that many were weavers.The privileges they enjoy are relics of an exceedingly long association with the land. If the account of the colonisation of Tondeimandalam by Vellalans in the eighth century A.D. is historic, then it is possible that at that time the Paraiyans lost the land, and that their degradation as a race began.[7]

[edit] Caste sub-divisions

At the census, 1891, 348 sub-divisions were returned, of which the following were strongest in point of numbers : Amma found chiefly in Tanjore and Madura; Katti in Salem and Trichinopoly; Kizhakkatti (eastern)in Salem; Koliyan(weavers)in Chingleput,Tanjore and Trichinopoly; Konga in Salem; Korava in Coimbatore; Kottai (fort) in South Arcot; Morasu (drum) in Salem ; Mottai in Madura ;Pacchai(green) in Coimbatore; Samban in South Arcot; Sangidum (sanku, conch, or chank shell) in Coimbatore; Sozhia (natives of the Sozha or Chola country) in Tanjore and Madura; Tangalan in North and South Arcot, Chingleput, Salem, and Trichinopoly; and Valangamattu in South Arcot. The members of the various sub-divisions do not intermarry. [8]

[edit] Valangai (or)Right-hand caste faction

Paraiyars belong to the Right-hand caste faction[9](or) the Valangai was made up of castes with an agricultural basis while the Idangai was made of metal workers, weavers, etc. i.e. castes involved in manufacturing.[10]Valangai which was better organized, politically, than the Idangai.[11],and has most of the agriculture based higher castes. The Paraiyas are its chief support, as a proof of which they glory in the title ‘Valangai-Mougattar’, or friends of the Right-hand.[12]

[edit] Paraiyar and Brahmin connection

All the Paraiyars have Y-chromosome haplogroup, Haplogroup G,specifically Haplogroup G2a3b1 (Y-DNA). This shows the Paraiyar males are Caucasians. This Haplogroup G2a3b1 is also found in 10% of Iyer and 13% of Iyengar Brahmins.[13][14]. The Aryan Brahmins have Haplogroup R1a & Haplogroup R2[13][15].

In a note on the Paraiyans of the Trichinopoly district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows.[16]

They have a very exalted account of their lineage, saying that they are descended from the Brahman priest SalaSambavan, who was employed in a Siva temple to worship the god with offerings of beef, but who incurred the anger of the god by one day concealing a portion of the meat, to give it to his pregnant wife, and was therefore turned into a Paraiyan. The god appointed his brother to do duty instead of him, and the Paraiyans say that Brahman priests are their cousins. For this reason they wear a sacred thread at their marriages and funerals.At the festival of the village goddesses, they repeat an extravagant praise of their caste, which runs as follows.

‘The Paraiyans were the first creation, the first who wore
the sacred thread, the uppermost in the social scale, the
differentiators of castes, the winners of laurels. They
have been seated on the white elephant, the Vira
Sambavans who beat the victorious drum.’

It is a curious fact that, at the feast of the village goddess, a Paraiyan is honoured by being invested with a sacred thread for the occasion by the pujari (priest) of the temple, by having a turmeric thread tied to his wrists, and being allowed to head the procession. This, the Paraiyans say, is owing to their exalted origin.

From Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol. VI. EdgarThurston and Rangachari, K. 1909.(Page.81,82.) [17]

Mr. Stuart mentions that the Valluvans(Paraiya priests) were priests to the Pallava kings before the introduction of the Brahmans, and even for some time after it.

The following- extract is taken from a note on the Paraiyans of Travancore by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar.[16]

In the Keralolpathi, they are classed as one of the sixteen hill tribes. Concerning their origin the following tradition is current. They were originally Brahmans, but, on certain coparceners partitioning the common inheritance, the carcase of a cow, which was one of the articles to be partitioned, was burnt as being useless. A drop of oil fell from the burning animal on to one of the parties, and he licked it up with his tongue. For this act he was cast out of society, and his descendants, under the name of Paraiyas, became cow-eaters.

Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol. VI. EdgarThurston and Rangachari, K. 1909.(Page.88,89.) [18]

The facts, taken together, seem to show that the Paraiyan priests (Valluvans), and therefore the Paraiyans as a race, are very ancient, that ten centuries ago they were a respectable community, and that many were weavers. The privileges they enjoy are relics of an exceedingly long association with the land. The institution of the paracheri points to original independence,and even to possession of much of the land. If the account of the colonisation of Tondeimandalam by Vellalans in the eighth century A.D. is historic, then it is possible that at that time the Paraiyans lost the land, and that their degradation as a race began.

Abbe J.A. Dubois writes:[19]

In very early days how ever the separation between the Parayas and others do not appear to have been so marked as at present. Though relegated to the lower grade in the social scale Parayas were not then placed absolutely outside and beyond the line of demarcation between them and the Sudras being almost imperceptible and they are even today considered to be direct descendants of the better class of agricultural labourers. The Tamil Vellalas and the Vockalikas (Vockaliyar) do not disdain to call them their children.

From the above genetic connection and other quoted evidence it is clear that once Paraiyars were a race who were Buddhists.[original research?] The Aryan Brahmins converted some of them as Brahmins, the rest who are staunch and radical Buddhists were punished to bemcome as Outcastes or Untouchable low castes.[improper synthesis?]

[edit] Paraiyars in politics

These people forms the majority in south India but their vote bank was misused by others due to lack of leadership partially and the rest. But nowadays they are united.The leading parties are trying to catch their vote bank. In Tamil Nadu these people are enjoying the greatest respect from the political parties. D.M.K (dravida munetra kazhagam), Viduthalai chiruthaigal, Communist party of India and major political parties are favouring these people.

[edit] Paraiyars in tamil movement

File:Gal india south 01.jpg

Tamil saint thiruvalluvar wrote thirukkural the holy book of Tamil people called as ‘the Tamil veda’, ‘mupuri nool’. Tamil saint auvaiyar made many contributions such as ‘aathichudi’, ‘naladiyar’, ‘konrai vendan’ etc. Divan rettamalai srinivasan started a newspaper ‘paraiyan’, which fought against British rule. The five great epics of Tamil literature (silapathigaram, manimegalai, seevega sinthamani, valayapathi, kundalagesi) mostly based on buddhism principles. The saint ‘illango’ is also a Buddhist. These are the evidences that Buddhists (paraiyars) are the original inhabitants of Tamil Nadu.

[edit] Etymology and origin

The late Bishop Robert Caldwell derived the name Paraiyar from the Tamil word Parai a drum, as certain Paraiyars act as drummers at marriages, funerals, village festivals, and on occasions when Government or commercial announcements are proclaimed.[20] Mr. H. A. Stuart, however, seems to question this derivation, remarking ( Madras Census Report, 1891) that "it is only one section of Paraiyars that act as drummers Nor is the occupation confined to the Paraiyars. It seems in the highest degree improbable that a large, and at one time powerful, community should owe its name to an occasional occupation, which one of its divisions shares with other castes.[21] ‘The word Paraiyar is not found in Divakaram, a Tamil Dictionary of the eleventh century A.D., and the word Pulaiyar was then used to denote this section of population, as it is still in Malayalam to this day’."[22] In the legend of the Saivite saint Nandan is, in the prose version of the Periya Puranam called a Pulayan, though a native of Cholamandalam, which was a distinctly Tamil kingdom.[22] The Madras Census Report 1891 estimated over two million members of Paraiyar or Pariah caste. In the Census Report, 1901, Mr. Francis mentions an inscription of the chola king Raja Raja, dated about the eleventh century A.D., in which the Paraiyar caste is called by its name.[23] It had then two sub-divisions, the Nesavu or weavers, and Ulavu or ploughmen. The caste had even then its own hamlets, wells and burning-grounds.[24]

The community is classified as a depressed community until recent times. The economic and educational privileges have been denied to them for centuries. However, there is considerable evidence to suggest that their position must have been reasonably higher in older times. Some scholars presume that Paraiyars must have been followers of Buddhism who lost their status in society during the revival of the Agamic cults.[25][26][27]Thiruvalluvar[23][28][29] , the Tamil author of the Thirukkural, the Tamil poet Auvaiyar[23][28][29][30], and the architect of the classical city of Hastinapur[29][30] had all been "Paraiyars".[27]

The following is a description of "Paraiyars" originally appearing in Volume V20, Page 802 of the Encyclopaedia Britannica 1911.

Encyclopaedia Britannica 1911 ,Volume V20,Page 802.[31]

PARIAH, a name long adopted in European usage for the outcastes of India. Strictly speaking the Paraiyans are the agricultural labourer caste of the Tamil country in Madras.

The majority are ploughmen, formerly adscripti glebae, but some of them are weavers, and no less than 350 subdivisions have been distinguished. The name can be traced back to inscriptions of the 11th century, and the "Pariah poet," Tiruvalluvar, author of the Tamil poem, the Kurral, probably lived at about that time.

The accepted derivation of the word is from the Tamil. parai, the large drum of which the Paraiyans are the hereditary beaters at festivals, &c. In 1901 the total number of Paraiyans. in all India was 24 millions, almost confined to the south of Madras. In the Telugu country their place is taken by the Malas, in the Kanarese country by the Holeyas and in the Deccan by the Mahars.

Some of their privileges and duties seem to show that they represent the original owners of the land, subjected by a conquering race. The Pariahs supplied a notable proportion of Clive’s sepoys, and are still enlisted in the Madras sappers and miners. They have always acted as domestic servants to Europeans. That they are not deficient in intelligence is proved by the high position which some of them, when converted to Christianity, have occupied in the professions.

In modern official usage the outcastes generally are termed Panchamas in Madras, and special efforts are made for their education.See Caldwell, Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages (PP. 54 0 -554), and the Madras Census Reports for 1891 and 1901.

As per anthropological research done by Edgar Thurston, the Paraiyars had an average cephalic index of 74[32] and an average nasal index of 80.[33]

List of Paraiyars

Historical personalities

Friday, July 29, 2011

The Hindu : News / National : Norwegian mass killer's manifesto hails Hindutva

Norwegian mass killer's manifesto hails Hindutva



Goals of Indian Hindu nationalists were identical to Justiciar Knights, Anders Breivik claimed

Norwegian mass killer Anders Behring Breivik hailed India's Hindu nationalist movement as a key ally in a global struggle to bring down democratic regimes across the world.

‘2080: A European declaration of independence' lays out a road map for a future organisation, the Justiciar Knights, to wage a campaign that will graduate from acts of terrorism to a global war involving weapons of mass destruction — aimed at bringing down what Breivik calls the “cultural Marxist” order.

India figures in a remarkable 102 pages of the sprawling 1,518-page manifesto. Breivik's manifesto says his Justiciar Knights “support the Sanatana Dharma movements and Indian nationalists in general.” In section 3.158 of the manifesto, he explains that Hindu nationalists “are suffering from the same persecution by the Indian cultural Marxists as their European cousins.”

“Appeasing Muslims”

The United Progressive Alliance government, he goes on, “relies on appeasing Muslims and, very sadly, proselytising Christian missionaries who illegally convert low caste Hindus with lies and fear, alongside Communists who want total destruction of the Hindu faith and culture.”

Even though Hindus who are living abroad “get an eagle's view of what's happening in India, Indian Hindu residents don't see it being in the scene.”

Breivik's manifesto applauds Hindu groups who “do not tolerate the current injustice and often riot and attack Muslims when things get out of control,” but says, “this behaviour is nonetheless counterproductive.”

“Instead of attacking the Muslims, they should target the category A and B traitors in India and consolidate military cells and actively seek the overthrow of the cultural Marxist government.”

“It is essential that the European and Indian resistance movements learn from each other and cooperate as much as possible,” he concludes. “Our goals are more or less identical.”

Lists websites

Breivik lists the websites of the Bharatiya Janata Party, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the National Volunteers' Organisation, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad as resources for further information.

The manifesto pledges military support “to the nationalists in the Indian civil war and in the deportation of all Muslims from India.” This is part of a larger campaign to “overthrow of all western European multiculturalist governments” and evict “U.S. military personnel on European soil.”

India is one of several countries — including Russia, the Philippines, China and Thailand — where Breivik hopes his successors will fight.

He uses the work of historians K.S. Lal and Shrinandan Vyas to point to the threat posed by Islam to Europe, saying their work has established that millions of Hindus were killed in a genocide during 1000-1525 AD. N.S. Rajaram, another historian, is quoted as saying India's “political class have been so debilitating that they continue to live in a state of constant fear.”

Breivik's manifesto envisages that this future organisation would hand out a “multi-cultural force medal,” which would be awarded for “military cooperation with nationalist Hindu, Buddhist, Jewish and/or atheist forces (non-European) on Hindu, Buddhist or Jewish territory. These efforts must be directed against Jihadi or cultural Marxist forces, personnel or interests.”

The medals would include a “Liberation of India Service Medal,” which would be awarded for “assisting Indian nationalist forces to drive out Islam from Indian territory.”

Breivik's Indian-made combat badges, revealed by The Hindu as having been contracted to a workshop in Varanasi, were the first in this series of battle decorations.

His manifesto acknowledges that lives will be lost in the war, and calls for the organisation to “provide and subsidise a standard edition of the Justiciar Knight tombstone” for those who fell in battle.

Since a “European tombstone carver, preferably specialised in traditional tombstone architecture, is likely to charge more than 5000-10000 Euro in order to create the stone,” Breivik suggested that “producers in low-cost countries should be contacted for the task of creating one or multiple stones in the future.”

He acknowledged that this “might sound hypocritical considering the fact that cultural conservatives in general oppose Indian or Chinese membership in [the] WTO and the fact that we generally prefer in-sourcing as many industries as possible. However, conserving our funds is a central part of our struggle.”

Even though Breivik's Knights would fight shoulder to shoulder with Hindu nationalists, his vision for their rights in a post-revolutionary Europe is limited. The manifesto envisages the creation of a “servant class,” made up of non-Muslim individuals from Bangladesh, Pakistan and India.

“During their stay,” the manifesto envisages, “they will work 12 hours a day for the duration of their contracts (6 or 12 months) and are then flown back to their homelands.” “These individuals,” it goes on, “will live in segregated communities in pre-defined areas of each major city.”


Praveen Swami

Printable version | Jul 30, 2011 10:17:22 AM | http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article2293829.ece

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